![]() Harmsen, Robert ![]() ![]() ![]() Book published by Brill (2020) Regional (sub-)groupings have played a significant, but comparatively neglected role in the processes of European integration. The BENELUX and the Nordic Council both offer longstanding models of regional ... [more ▼] Regional (sub-)groupings have played a significant, but comparatively neglected role in the processes of European integration. The BENELUX and the Nordic Council both offer longstanding models of regional cooperation which have, in various ways, often been cited as examples for the wider European integration project. More recently, both the Visegrád and Baltic states have seen the (re-) emergence of forms of regional cooperation in connection with their accession to and later membership of the European Union. Yet, though often cited, these experiences of (sub-)regional cooperation within the wider European project have been the object of relatively little systematic or comparative study. The aim of the edited volume is to address this gap by bringing together specialists on these regional groupings with a view to providing a fuller understanding of both their historical significance and their possible future role relative to a potentially fragmenting European political landscape. [less ▲] Detailed reference viewed: 196 (30 UL)![]() Högenauer, Anna-Lena ![]() in Mein, Georg; Pause, Johannes (Eds.) The Ends of Humanities - Volume 2: Self and Society in the Corona Crisis (2020) Detailed reference viewed: 49 (2 UL)![]() Högenauer, Anna-Lena ![]() in Western Europe 2021 (2020) Detailed reference viewed: 33 (0 UL)![]() Harmsen, Robert ![]() ![]() in Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Politics (2020) Detailed reference viewed: 93 (28 UL)![]() Högenauer, Anna-Lena ![]() E-print/Working paper (2019) National parliaments tend to delegate a range of tasks related to EU affairs scrutiny to their administrations. However, there is considerable variation in the extent to which national parliaments invest ... [more ▼] National parliaments tend to delegate a range of tasks related to EU affairs scrutiny to their administrations. However, there is considerable variation in the extent to which national parliaments invest in EU affairs staff. This raises two questions: what is the source of this diversity, and what is its impact on the EU affairs scrutiny of national parliaments? This paper argues that greater investments in EU affairs staff are associated with public Euroscepticism, large parliaments and parliaments with strong scrutiny powers. A large EU staff is, in turn, associated with parliaments that are relatively active in EU affairs scrutiny. This is particularly true for the 15 EU member states that joined before 2004. [less ▲] Detailed reference viewed: 43 (1 UL)![]() Högenauer, Anna-Lena ![]() E-print/Working paper (2019) The aim of this article is to analyse the 2019 European election in Luxembourg and to contextualize it by comparing it with past elections. The article presents the party landscape, the electoral campaign ... [more ▼] The aim of this article is to analyse the 2019 European election in Luxembourg and to contextualize it by comparing it with past elections. The article presents the party landscape, the electoral campaign, the electoral system and the results of the 2019 European election. The results are then analysed in the context of past national and European elections in order to establish whether European elections are second-order elections in Luxembourg, how electoral volatility evolved over time, whether there is a rise in Eurosceptic parties and how the representation of women has evolved since 1979. [less ▲] Detailed reference viewed: 47 (1 UL)![]() Högenauer, Anna-Lena ![]() Article for general public (2019) Detailed reference viewed: 84 (3 UL)![]() Högenauer, Anna-Lena ![]() Article for general public (2019) Detailed reference viewed: 73 (4 UL)![]() Högenauer, Anna-Lena ![]() ![]() in Maastricht Journal of European and Comparative Law (2019) This article presents the argument that European Central Bank (ECB) policy-making from the start of the sovereign debt crisis in 2010 undermined the democratic legitimacy of the ECB. We start with the ... [more ▼] This article presents the argument that European Central Bank (ECB) policy-making from the start of the sovereign debt crisis in 2010 undermined the democratic legitimacy of the ECB. We start with the argument – defended by a number of scholars including Majone and Moravcsik – that where European Union (EU) policy-making is technocratic and does not have significant redistributive implications it can benefit from depoliticization that does not undermine the democratic legitimacy of this policy-making. This is notably the case where EU institutions have narrow mandates and are constrained by super-majoritarian decision-making. Prior to the international financial crisis, the ECB’s monetary policies were shaped entirely by the interpretation that its mandate was primarily to ensure low inflation. From the outbreak of the sovereign debt crisis, the ECB adopted a range of policies which pushed its role well beyond that interpretation and engaged in a form of redistribution that directly undermined treaty provisions. [less ▲] Detailed reference viewed: 171 (6 UL)![]() Högenauer, Anna-Lena ![]() in Abels, Gabriele; Battke, Jan (Eds.) Regional Governance in the EU: Regions and the Future of Europe (2019) Detailed reference viewed: 72 (2 UL)![]() Högenauer, Anna-Lena ![]() in Poirier, Philippe; Farhat, Nadim (Eds.) Démocratie(s), Parlementarisme(s) et Légitimité(s) (2019) Detailed reference viewed: 40 (2 UL)![]() Högenauer, Anna-Lena ![]() in Christiansen, Thomas; Fromage, Diane (Eds.) Brexit and Democracy (2019) The outcome of the Brexit referendum has led to a highly mediatized battle of power between the British government and parliament over how much influence the latter can exert over the British position in ... [more ▼] The outcome of the Brexit referendum has led to a highly mediatized battle of power between the British government and parliament over how much influence the latter can exert over the British position in the negotiations with the European Union (EU). At the same time, the role of parliaments in the remaining member states has received virtually no public attention, despite the fact that the stakes are also high for their publics. The aim of our chapter is to shed light on dynamics of parliamentary control of Brexit in the remaining member states through a comparative study of the German, Czech and Luxembourgish parliaments. Each of these member states has one or several key interests at stake in the negotiations, such as exports, the financial sector and future contributions to the EU budget (Germany, Luxembourg), or migration to the UK and the maintenance of EU policies and their budgetary health (Czech Republic). The three cases represent geographical diversity and differently sized countries, to take into account different levels of governmental influence over the Brexit negotiations. The study will focus on the formal powers of parliaments, their actual mobilization and the key dynamics that mark their scrutiny of the Brexit negotiations. [less ▲] Detailed reference viewed: 99 (1 UL)![]() Högenauer, Anna-Lena ![]() in Politics and Governance (2019), 7(3), The European Central Bank (ECB) became one of the key actors during the Eurozone crisis. However, its prominent role was not without controversy. On one hand, the Eurozone was stabilised, no member state ... [more ▼] The European Central Bank (ECB) became one of the key actors during the Eurozone crisis. However, its prominent role was not without controversy. On one hand, the Eurozone was stabilised, no member state defaulted, and no state had to leave the Euro. On the other hand, the ECB had to stretch its mandate, expand its policy remit, and adopt so-called ‘unconventional’ monetary policies. These attempts to depoliticise political challenges through a technocratic approach reduced the opportunities for democratic contestation, but they also bred frustration that led to politicisation. This article studies to what extent this politicisation affected the perception of the ECB in national parliaments. For this purpose, it studies the extent to which ECB policy has become politicised in the German Bundestag through an analysis of plenary debates from 2005 to 2018. The Bundestag represents an unlikely case for politicisation despite wide-spread criticism of the ECB in the media, as Germany was traditionally attached to creating a highly independent ECB, until recently had no major Eurosceptic right-wing parties, and parliamentary scrutiny of the national central bank is low. However, by studying the salience of ECB policies, the polarisation of opinion in the parliament, as well as the range of actors participating in the debates, this article finds that the ECB’s policies have become politicised and the subject of scrutiny and dissatisfaction. [less ▲] Detailed reference viewed: 74 (5 UL)![]() Högenauer, Anna-Lena ![]() Article for general public (2018) Detailed reference viewed: 41 (6 UL)![]() Högenauer, Anna-Lena ![]() ![]() in Public Administration (2018) European Economic and Monetary Union (EMU) involves several core principles for the organization of participating national central banks (NCBs / CBs), including their independence from political ... [more ▼] European Economic and Monetary Union (EMU) involves several core principles for the organization of participating national central banks (NCBs / CBs), including their independence from political institutions. Early studies show that the level of national parliamentary scrutiny over euro area NCBs varied (Lepper and Sterne 2002). In this context, our article examines the extent to which parliaments make use of four distinct control mechanisms to hold CBs accountable. We explain the very different levels of parliamentary scrutiny over NCBs in Germany, France and Belgium during the 2013-2016 period. We find that the level of scrutiny depends principally on the presence of a longstanding tradition of CB independence — and specifically the manner in which independence has been politicized and interpreted by the political class. We argue that the strength of the parliament can also explain some variation. [less ▲] Detailed reference viewed: 164 (8 UL)![]() Högenauer, Anna-Lena ![]() E-print/Working paper (2018) Detailed reference viewed: 73 (9 UL)![]() Högenauer, Anna-Lena ![]() in Kaeding, Michael; Pollack, Johannes; Schmidt, Paul (Eds.) The Future of Europe: Views from the Capitals (2018) Detailed reference viewed: 80 (2 UL)![]() ; Högenauer, Anna-Lena ![]() Book published by Routledge (2018) In an attempt to strengthen the legitimacy of EU policy-making, the 2009 Lisbon Treaty strengthened the principle of parliamentary control in EU affairs. This pertains to parliaments at all levels ranging ... [more ▼] In an attempt to strengthen the legitimacy of EU policy-making, the 2009 Lisbon Treaty strengthened the principle of parliamentary control in EU affairs. This pertains to parliaments at all levels ranging from the regional to the supranational level. This book analyses the potential of regional parliaments – the parliaments closest to the citizens – to engage in EU affairs and to fill the perceived legitimacy gap. Eight member states have a total of 73 regional parliaments with legislative powers, and there are further trends towards decentralization in Europe. On its quest to understand the role that regional parliaments can plan in the EU multilevel parliamentary system, the book addresses key questions: What are the formal powers and functions of regional parliaments in EU policy-making? How do they use their powers in practice? How active are they in EU politics and what do they try to achieve? What factors can explain their degree of (in-)activity? [less ▲] Detailed reference viewed: 75 (1 UL)![]() Högenauer, Anna-Lena ![]() Article for general public (2017) Detailed reference viewed: 21 (2 UL)![]() Högenauer, Anna-Lena ![]() Article for general public (2017) Detailed reference viewed: 24 (1 UL) |
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